Apart
from the implications it holds for Muslim Divorce Laws, the Triple-Talaq
judgment of the Supreme Court has piqued the interest of legal fraternity for a
different reason as well. Justice Nariman’s view(endorsed by Justice U.U Lalit)
that arbitrariness can be a ground for striking down a legislation has sparked
a lot of discussions among the legal commentators. Justice Nariman expressed
the view by overruling the dictum in State of Andhra Pradesh vs. McDowell
& Co. AIR 1996 SC 1627, which had held that a legislation cannot be
struck down on the grounds of arbitrariness or unreasonableness(Incidentally,
Justice Nariman has now adopted the proposition which was unsuccessfully
advanced by him as a lawyer in McDowell case). The declaration in McDowell
was as follows :
No
enactment can be struck down by just saying that it is arbitrary or
unreasonable. Some or other constitutional infirmity has to be found before
invalidating an Act. An enactment cannot be struck down on the ground that
court thinks it unjustified. Parliament and the legislatures, composed as they
are of the representatives of the people, are supposed to know and be aware of
the needs of the people and what is good and bad for them. The court cannot sit
in judgment over their wisdom.
Differing
from the principle in McDowells, Justice Nariman observed as follows :
The
thread of reasonableness runs through the entire fundamental rights Chapter.
What is manifestly arbitrary is obviously unreasonable and being contrary to
the rule of law, would violate Article 14. Further, there is an apparent
contradiction in the three Judges’ Bench decision in McDowell (supra) when it
is said that a constitutional challenge can succeed on the ground that a law is
“disproportionate, excessive or unreasonable”, yet such challenge would fail on
the very ground of the law being “unreasonable, unnecessary or unwarranted”.
The arbitrariness doctrine when applied to legislation obviously would not
involve the latter challenge but would only involve a law being
disproportionate, excessive or otherwise being manifestly unreasonable. All the
aforesaid grounds, therefore, do not seek to differentiate between State action
in its various forms, all of which are interdicted if they fall foul of the
fundamental rights guaranteed to persons and citizens in Part III of the
Constitution.
Justice
Nariman stated that McDowells decision was rendered ignoring several
binding precedents which invoked arbitrariness as a ground to strike down
legislations, and even constitutional amendment. Umpteen decisions which had
struck down legislation on grounds of arbitrariness were also cited. Hence,
Justice Nariman proceeds to hold that McDowells decision was not good
law. Not stopping there, it is further held that the subsequent judgments which
relied on McDowells were also declared to be as bad in law, which
includes the decision in Binoy Viswam vs. Union of India (2017) 7
SCC 59, which dealt with legality of AADHAAR-PAN linkage. It is apposite to
refer to the relevant observations as follows:
53.
However, in State of Bihar v. Bihar Distillery Ltd., (1997) 2 SCC 453 at
paragraph 22, in State of M.P. v. Rakesh Kohli, (2012) 6 SCC 312 at paragraphs
17 to 19, in Rajbala v. State of Haryana & Ors., (2016) 2 SCC 445 at
paragraphs 53 to 65 and Binoy Viswam v. Union of India, (2017) 7 SCC 59 at
paragraphs 80 to 82, McDowell (supra) was read as being an absolute bar to the
use of “arbitrariness” as a tool to strike down legislation under Article 14.
As has been noted by us earlier in this judgment, Mcdowell (supra) itself is
per incuriam, not having noticed several judgments of Benches of equal or higher
strength, its reasoning even otherwise being flawed. The judgments, following
McDowell (supra) are, therefore, no longer good law.
CAN
THE PRONOUNCEMNET OF JUSTICE NARIMAN BE TREATED AS A BINDING RATIO OF THE
JUDGMENT.
There
are opinions among the legal community which take the pronouncement of Justice
Nariman as an authoritative
Constitution Bench ruling stating that laws can be struck down for being
arbitrary But is it not too farfetched to equate this
pronouncement of Justice Nariman as the pronouncement of the Constitution
Bench.?
It
is important to recall that Justice Nariman was one among the three judges in
the majority. Justice Lalit endorsed the views of Justice Nariman, without
authoring a separate judgment. So at best, this pronouncement can be regarded
as the opinion of two judges, as none of the other judges shared this view; on
the contrary, the other judges expressed diametrically opposite views. Justice
Nariman’s views on arbitrariness were expressed so as to strike down Section 2
of the Shariat Act 1937 to the extent it enabled practice of talaq-e-biddat.
It was in that context that the pronouncement on arbitrariness came.
However,
Justice Kurian Joseph adopted an altogether different route to invalidate talaq-e-biddat.
Justice Kurian Joseph did not recognize talaq as having any statutory
flavour. The judgment of Justice Joseph examined whether ‘triple talaq’ is a
practise sanctioned by Shariat. It was stated therein that the practise of
triple talaq was not in conformity with Quranic injunctions and Shariat Law,
and hence it was invalidated. There was no occasion in Justice Joseph’s opinion
to consider the issue of arbitrariness in statute, as the judgment was
examining the practice of talaq from the point of view of Islamic theology. The
conclusion of Justice Joseph was that what is bad in theology cannot be good
in law.
The
minority opinions of CJI Khehar and Justice Nazeer proceeded on the tangent
that talaq was an essential religious practice protected by Article 25.
There
is one commonality in the opinions of Justice Kurian Joseph and CJI
Khehar(endorsed by Justice Abdul Nazeer)- they were in agreement that talaq
was not at all governed by the Shariat Act 1937,and that it fell outside the
statutory realm. To that extent, they dissented from the opinion of Justice
Nariman(and Justice Lalit). Justice Joseph was explicit in recording his
dissent with Justice Nariman on that point, which is expressed as follows:-
4. After the 1937 Act, in respect of the
enumerated subjects under Section 2 regarding “marriage, dissolution of
marriage, including talaq”, the law that is applicable to Muslims shall be only
their personal law namely Shariat. Nothing more, nothing less. It is not a
legislation regulating talaq. In contradistinction, The Dissolution of Muslim
Marriages Act, 1939 provides for the grounds for dissolution of marriage. So is
the case with the Hindu Marriage.Act, 1955. The 1937 Act simply makes Shariat
applicable as the rule of decision in the matters enumerated in section 2.
Therefore, while talaq is governed by Shariat, the specific grounds and
procedure for talaq have not been codified in the 1937 Act. 5.
5. In that view of the matter, I wholly agree
with the learned Chief Justice that the 1937 Act is not a legislation
regulating talaq. Consequently, I respectfully disagree with the stand taken by
Nariman, J. that the 1937 Act is a legislation regulating triple talaq and hence,
the same can be tested on the anvil of Article 14.
Singularly
taken, this issue whether ‘talaq’ is governed by Shariat Act is answered in the
negative by the majority of CJI Khehar, Justice Joseph and Justice Nazeer. In
this stand-alone issue, the views of Justice Nariman and Justice Lalit are in
the minority. Consequently, the view that statue can be struck down as
arbitrary is also a minority view, as the major premise of the issue, namely,
whether talaq is governed by statute, is answered in negative by the
majority. If so, how can the opinion of
Justice Nariman be depicted as the opinion of the Constitution Bench?
So, there
is no convergence amongst the five judges on this issue of whether
arbitrariness can be a ground for striking down a statute. Rather, there is express divergence.
A decision is an authority for what it
actually decides. What is of the essence in a decision is its ratio and not
every observation found therein nor what logically flows from the various
observations made in the judgment. The enunciation of the reason or principle
on which a question before a Court has been decided is alone binding as a
precedent. A case is a precedent and binding for what it explicitly decides and
no more.(Oriental Insurance Co.Ltd. vs. Rajkumari AIR 2008 SC
403).
Seen
in the light of the above principle, it is doubtful whether this pronouncement
expressed in Justice Nariman’s opinion can be regarded as a binding ratio of
the Constitutional Bench. In view of the distinct approaches adopted by the judges
in majority, it is also difficult to ascertain the ratio of this judgment with
precision.
It
was propounded by T.R Andhyarjuna, Senior Advocate in his book The
Keshavananda Bharathi Case : The Untold Struggle for Supremacy by the Supreme
Court and the Parliament that
there was no uniform ratio in the Kesavananda Bharathi case. Looks like the
triple-talaq judgment is also following the same suit. Be that as it may, it is
giving rich issues for the legal brains of this country to debate and ponder
upon, which are not particularly restricted to its implications on divorce
laws.
Published in Live Law on 24.08.2017
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