Monday 26 February 2018

WILL INDIA EVER HAVE ‘THE POST’ MOMENT, WITH THE OFFICIAL SECRETS ACT IN PLACE?



Official Secrets Act has become an instrument of oppression at the hands of the establishment to witch-hunt those who dare to ask uncomfortable questions

Amidst the Vietnam war, the board of management of ‘The Washington Post’ was caught up in a severe dilemma as to whether it should publish sensitive and classified defense documents which revealed that the U.S Government had been always aware that there was no chance of winning the war, and that despite such concrete knowledge successive governments escalated the war propaganda solely to reap political benefits. The leaked documents made it clear that the U.S was waging a futile war, and thousands of young men were sent to die only for the sake of whipping up jingoistic frenzy. While the management was apprehensive of inviting the wrath of the then President Richard Nixon, the Editor-in-Chief Ben Bradlee was very resolute in his decision that the paper should publish the documents which showed that successive US Governments have been lying about the Vietnam war for past 30 years. “If we don’t hold them accountable, who will?”, asks him.

This incident of Washington Post publishing Pentagon documents belying the Government’s claim about winning Vietnam war has been recreated in cinematic form in the recent Hollywood movie “The Post”. Directed by Steven Spielberg, this film has been nominated for Best Picture in Oscar Awards. Veteran actor Tom Hanks plays the role of Ben Bradlee, the editor.

What will happen if we don’t publish? We will lose! The country will lose!”, asserts the character of Tom Hanks, which nudges Katharine Graham, the heiress of the newspaper family, to take a firm decision, overcoming her initial tentativeness. Meryl Streep plays the role of Katharine Graham,  who,  has to make a tougher call as she has to negotiate strong chauvinistic prejudices in the male-dominated board of management, apart from dealing with apprehensions about legal and financial consequences of publication.

The Newyork Times’ had already published a part of the documents, which  resulted in legal proceedings under the U.S Espionage Act for breaching national security, and it was restrained from publishing as per injunction orders passed by Courts. It was in that backdrop that ‘The Washington Post’ decided to publish the rest of the information.  Both the papers had to ultimately approach the U.S Supreme Court to protect their right to publish. In a landmark decision, Newyork Times v. U.S.A, the U.S Supreme Court upheld the right of the newspapers to publish the documents. By a 6:3 majority, the Court held that the Constitution did not permit prior restraint on press freedom on whatever grounds.

The press was to serve the governed, not the governors. The Government's power to censor the press was abolished so that the press would remain forever free to censure the Government. The press was protected so that it could bare the secrets of government and inform the people. Only a free and unrestrained press can effectively expose deception in government. And paramount among the responsibilities of a free press is the duty to prevent any part of the government from deceiving the people and sending them off to distant lands to die of foreign fevers and foreign shot and shell, Justice Hugo Black emphatically observed in the judgment.

“The Post” is a riveting account of the above historical developments.  The movie’s moral compass points at the right direction, as its setting and tenor make the viewer root for the triumph of truth and liberty.  Perhaps this is why Dushyant Dave, Senior Advocate, remarked during the hearing of Loya case that “your Lordships should watch ‘The Post’”.

Official Secrets Act 1923- the Indian counter-part of Espionage Act.

The US Government tried to restrain publication of Pentagon papers invoking Section 793 of the Espionage Act, which criminalized possession of information relating to ‘national defence’, which the possessor has ‘reasons to believe’ ’could be used to the injury of the United States or the advantage of any foreign nation’. The US Supreme Court held that this penal provision cannot be invoked to impose prior restraint on publication.

The Indian counter-part of the said provision of U.S Espionage Act is the Official Secrets Act 1923- a short colonial legislation which reflects imperialistic fervour than constitutional temperance. It criminalizes disclosure of information which is likely to affect sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of state or friendly relation with foreign states’(Section 5). The Act also criminalizes disclosure of information which might be directly or indirectly useful to an enemy(Section 3). As per the interpretation given to the provision by the Supreme Court in Sama Alana Abdullah v. State of Gujarat AIR 1996 SC 569, the information need not be even ‘secret’, and if it is likely to be useful to an enemy, the offence is said to have been committed. Therefore, there is a lot of subjectivity involved here, as the conviction is based on an arbitrary and uncertain test of information being useful to an enemy. In an article published in the blog ‘Indian Constitutional Law Philosophy’ , it is articulated that the constitutional validity of the Official Secrets Act(OSA) is highly doubtful on account of its vagueness, subjectivity and over-breadth in creation of offences.  Various incidents in India demonstrate that the OSA has been misused to clip the wings of bona fide press reportage, and Indian Courts are not keen to follow the American example of protecting press freedom when OSA is involved.


Instances of misuse galore.

Journalist Santanu Saika was booked under Official Secrets Act in 1998 for publishing the contents of a cabinet note on disinvestment policy. This was widely perceived as an instance of official high-handedness, as the nexus between disinvestment policy and national security seemed too remote. When the Court acquitted Saika on the grounds that the publication of the disinvestment document, though marked “secret”, was unlikely to affect the sovereignty and integrity of India or the security of the state or friendly relations with foreign states, it was 2009, and by that time he had undergone considerable period under detention.

In 2002, Kashmiri journalist Iftikar Gilani had to face prosecution under the Act on ground that he disclosed classified military information to terrorists. This had led to huge furore, and was seen as an attempt of the establishment to break the morale of Kashmiri journalists. The Committee for Protection of Journalists and Reporters Sans Frontiers, two international organisations, had written to the then Deputy Prime Minister L.K Advani urging him to drop the charges. In trial, the military officials conceded that the information found in possession of Gilani was freely available in public domain, resulting in his acquittal.

During the same period, Tehelka had to face action under the Act on ground that it published sensitive government information, making many wonder if it was a vindictive response from the Government after the Tehelka sting operation exposed corruption in arms deal, which resulted in the exit of the then Defence Minister George Fernandes and then BJP President Bangaru Laxman. In 2011, Mid-Day Reporter Tarakant Dwivedi was arrested under the OSA for a piece on how arms purchased by the Government Railway Police, after the 26/11 attack, were rotting in the armoury due to poor storage; but only to be freed subsequently by Court.

Recently, in 2017, Poonam Agarwal, a reporter of online portal ‘Quint’, published a video story which showed that senior army officers in Nashik Army Camp were improperly compelling subordinate officers to do their personal work and household chores.  One of the soldiers interviewed in the report, Roy Mathews, was found dead a few days later, reportedly a case of suicide. Poonam Agarwal’s story irked the establishment, and she was charged under Official Secrets Act.

"This is nothing but an attempt by the Indian Army to shut up journalists from exposing wrongdoings in the institution. It will set a very bad precedent, because in future, an editor or reporter will think twice before raising their voices against the Army.", Agarwal remarked about the developments.

Apart from these reported instances, there are many other low-profile instances of journalists facing harassment under this Act across the country. The mere mention of Official Secrets Act by the prosecution is enough for the Magistrates to deny release on bail. Magistrates rarely venture to question the prosecution opposition on ground of ‘national security’. Very often the process itself becomes the punishment, resulting in a chilling effect on press freedom.

The main problem with the Act is that it is not possible for anyone to know with certitude that some information is ‘secret’ or is likely to be useful for an enemy. It seems that there is a manual by the Ministry of Home Affairs which deals with classification of documents. However, that manual itself is treated as ‘secret’. When an RTI activist tried to obtain the copy of the manual, it was declined stating that it was ‘confidential’. The CCI upheld the decision of Ministry in denying the copy of manual.  This is a bizarre situation, leaving too much to the subjective whim of the prosecution. Therefore, it is not surprising that OSA has become an instrument of oppression at the hands of the establishment to witch-hunt those who dare to ask uncomfortable questions.

The OSA is an anachronism in this age which has recognized the citizen’s right to information as sacrosanct. It is interesting to note that the RTI Act has an overriding power over OSA, as expressly stated in Section 22.  The Administrative Reforms Committee recommended in 2006 that the OSA should be repealed as it was incongruous with the transparency regime. But no further action was taken in that regard.

The Act has no redeeming provision, which protects disclosure of information in public interest. The reports of Mid-Day and The Quint mentioned above definitely had public interest element in them, as they revealed wrong-doings on the part of military establishment.  Yet, they were subjected to charges under OSA.  Such instances will deter whistle-blowers and activists from using information to which they are privy in order to openly question misdeeds of government.

‘National security’ and ‘defence’ are holy cows in Indian scenario, which cannot be questioned. In this backdrop, it is difficult to say whether Indian media can fearlessly report about botched up military operations and expose hollow claims of national security, as did by Washington Post and New York Times during Vietnam War. ‘The Post’ moment for the Indian scenario may never happen.

Pulbished in Live Law on 26.02.2018

Collegium Recommendations Of Justice KM Joseph And Indu Malhotra: A Litmus Test On Independence Of Judiciary



It is reliably learnt that the senior judges of the Supreme Court collegium- Justice Chelameswar, Justice Ranjan Gogoi, Justice Madan.B.Lokur and Justice Kurian Joseph- are seriously aggrieved with the inaction of Central Government in acting upon Collegium recommendations. Sources revealed to Live Law that the senior judges had taken up the issue with the Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra and are unhappy at the failure of CJI in being firm with the Central Government.   The manner in which the Government has been sleeping over collegium recommendations, and also dilly-dallying with the Memorandum of Procedure(MoP) for appointment of judges has been a cause of concern for the judges.             It is reliably understood that these issues were discussed by the four judges with the CJI, and the differences regarding resolution of the same acted as an additional impetus for the press conference held by them on the 12 of January, among other reasons pertaining to roster fixation.

Memorandum of Procedure- The bone of contention.

Ever since the striking down of Constitutional amendment introducing NJAC, things have not been very smoothbetween the centre and the Collegium regarding judicial appointments. The major bone of contention is the finalization of Memorandum of Procedure (MoP).

In December 2015, the Constitution Bench of Supreme Court directed the Central Government to finalize the MoP in consultation with the CJI, taking into account the revised guidelines proposed by SC.  In view of the stand-off between Government and Collegium regarding the finalization of MoP, judicial appointments were getting delayed. The Centre dragged its feet in acting upon the recommendations of collegiums regarding appointment and transfer of judges. Therefore, in 2016, many of the High Courts witnessed high percentage of judicial vacancies.

Later, the Centre formulated a draft MoP, which included a contentious clause enabling the Centre to reject a candidate on the ground of ‘national security’. The draft MoP by Centre suggested that Attorney General and the Advocate Generals of the respective states should have a say in the matter of selection. Involvement of retired judges in selection process was too suggested. However, the Collegium rejected the recommendations in the draft MoP formulated by the Central Government.
In wake of the stalemate, Collegium recommendations got stuck at the Ministry without further movement. For example, the Collegium had recommended the transfer of Justice K.M Joseph, the present Chief Justice of Uttarakhand High Court, to Andhra Pradesh High Court, reportedly on health reasons. However, the matter was kept pending by the Central Government

Centre’s delay in processing Collegium recommendations caused much anguish to the then CJI T.S Thakur.  A Bench headed by the CJI did not mince its words in expressing its unhappiness over the ‘logjam’ in appointment of judges.  The collegium has cleared 75 names of high court judges (for transfer/appointment) but they have not been approved. I don't know why, where these files are stuck”, a much disturbed CJI asked the then Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi. While speaking at a public function in which PM Narendra Modi was also attending, CJI Thakur made an emotional appeal to the Centre to promptly act upon judicial appointments, and broke down to tears during his speech criticising the Centre’s apathy in filling up vacancies.

Justice J.S Khehar, after he became CJI following Justice Thakur, did not refrain from expressing dissatisfaction at the manner in which Centre was delaying appointments.   As CJI, he was prepared to consider the issue on the judicial side by adjudicating the PILs seeking expeditious filling up of judicial vacancies. The then Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi objected the consideration of PILs stating that it was a matter to be dealt with by the administrative side of the judiciary and not its judicial sideWe cannot run away from our own cause when they (citizens) are projecting the cause of the judiciary.”, the Bench observed, overruling the objections of AG.

During May 2017, the SC collegium led by the then CJI Khehar finalized the MoP, conceding to the Government’s demand that it should have the right to veto a candidate on ground of ‘national security’. The Supreme Court also gave up its objections to the Centre’s proposal for setting up secretariats for dealing with judicial appointments. Even though the MoP has been cleared by the SC Collegium, the Centre has not returned its word on it, and has kept it pending on the ground that its ‘studying’ the matter.  

The letter written by four senior judges to the CJI, which was released to the media on 12th January, makes reference to the manner in which a Division Bench happened to deal with issue of Memorandum of Procedure (MoP). On 27th October, a Division Bench comprising Justice  A.K Goel and Justice U.U Lalit sought for the response of the Government regarding the steps to finalize the Memorandum of Procedure for appointment of judges, in a petition filed by R.P Luthra.  The letter expressed - when the Memorandum of Procedure was the subject matter of a Constitution Bench of this Court in Supreme Court Advocates on Record Association v. Union of India (2016) 5 SCC 1, it is difficult to understand as to how any other bench could have dealt with the matter.

The petition filed by R.P. Luthra was subsequently posted before a three judges’ bench presided by the CJI, after advancing the posting initially given by the Division Bench. The Bench of the CJI dismissed the matter recalling the order passed by the Division Bench on 27th October. The Bench observed that there was no need to proceed with the matter in view of the Constitution Bench decision.

Need to fix time limit for acting on collegiums recommendations.

The impasse highlights the need for fixing a time-limit for Centre to act upon collegiums recommendations. During December 2016, the Centre rejected almost half of the collegiums recommendations for HC judges, after sitting over the files for months.  Such mass rejections by the Central Government are quite unprecedented.  In 2014, the then CJI R.M Lodha had criticised the Government for dropping the name of Senior Advocate Gopal Subramanium from the list of collegium recommendations.  Justice Lodha stated that the name of Gopal Subramanium was segregated and dropped by the Government without consulting the Collegium.  But before the Collegium could reiterate the name of Gopal Subramanium, he withdrew his consent.

As per the dictum in the ‘Second Judges Case’, if the Collegium reiterates a recommendation despite the Government returning it, then the recommendation will be binding on the Government. In order to avoid this situation, the Government is sitting over those recommendations, which do not find favour with it, without making any explicit rejection. This too, the Government is doing selectively. While some recommendations of elevation and transfer are acted upon, others are put in cold storage indefinitely. As illustrated above, while the transfer of Justice K.M Joseph was kept pending, transfer recommendations of several other judges were acted upon. It may be noted that Justice Joseph had presided over the bench of Uttarakhand HC which quashed the presidential rule imposed by Centre dissolving Uttarakhand Assembly. Many in legal circles wonder whether Justice Joseph is ‘paying the price’ for rendering judgment against the Centre. The selective manner in which the Centre acts upon some recommendations ignoring others will have a chilling effect on the independence of judiciary, as it could be construed as a subtle signal to toe the line of the Executive.

The selective inaction shown by the Government has led to huge disappointment and unhappiness amongst the members of the collegium. Sources close to the Collegium reveal that the four judges made it clear to the CJI that the Government should be told in no uncertain terms to act in a time bound manner on the recommendations. While the previous CJIs like Justice Lodha, Justice Thakur and Justice Khehar have been very active in voicing concerns about delay in judicial appointments, the present CJI Justice Misra is not perceived to be that forthcoming in addressing the issue.   

Last December, the Government had tried to pass the buck to judiciary, when the Minister of State of Law & Justice, P.P Chaudhary in Lok Sabha stated in Lok Sabha that Government had not received any recommendations from SC for filling up of current judicial vacancies. In this backdrop, it needs to be anxiously watched as to how the Government will respond to the latest recommendations made by the Collegium. In the first week of January, the Collegium recommended the elevation of Justice K.M Joseph and Senior Advocate Indu Malhotra, and transfer of several other judges. Regarding their elevation, the Collegium made the following observation :-

"The Collegium considers that at present Mr. Justice K.M. Joseph, who hails from Kerala High Court and is currently functioning as Chief Justice of Uttarakhand High Court, is more deserving and suitable in all respects than other Chief Justices and senior puisne Judges of High Courts for being appointed as Judges of the Supreme Court of India"We have also considered the names of eminent members of the Bar. In our considered opinion, at present, Ms. Indu Malhotra, Senior Advocate, is eminently suitable for being appointed as a Judge in the Supreme Court
 There were unconfirmed reports that the recommendations were returned by the Central Government, which were subsequently refuted by the Government.The Government’s response to these recommendations will act as a litmus test for executive’s reverence to judicial independence.


 Published in Live Law on 04.02.2018